Notes:
Sermon 13: On Sin in Believers
314
An Introductory Comment [on Sermons 13-14]In the first edition of SOSO, I (1746), ‘The Witness of the Spirit’ (Discourse I), was followed by a sermon on ‘The Means of Grace’ to round out the volume. Two years later, Wesley placed his third university sermon, ‘The Circumcision of the Heart’ (from 1733), as the first sermon in his second volume, following it with a new sermon on ‘The Great Privilege of those that are Born of God’. The shared theme in this sequence (stressed in three of the sermons and implied in ‘The Means of Grace’) concerned the power bestowed on justified and regenerate believers not to commit sin—a crucial idea in the holy-living tradition, which then was given its climactic statement, up to that date, in Christian Perfection (1750); see No. 40.
This idea of the Christian’s grace-bestowed power not to commit sin was, however, bound to generate controversy and confusion among both critics and some disciples. With their doctrines of the ineradicable ‘remains of sin’ (fomes peccati), the Lutherans had taught that the justified believer was simul justus et peccator but also that his repented sins were covered by the imputed righteousness of Christ and thus inculpable; cf. The Apology of the Augsburg Confession (1531), Article II, ‘Original Sin’, especially §§35-45. With similar premises with respect to the fomes peccati (the Christian is ‘a sinner saved by grace’), the Calvinists stressed rigorous examination of consciences, repentance, the final perseverance of the elect, and the perfect and immutable freedom ‘in the state of glory only’; cf. The Westminster Confession VI.v, IX.v; see also XIII-XVIII. On the other side, the Moravians and some of Wesley’s own disciples (e.g., Thomas Maxfield, William Cudworth, James Relly) had taken the claim that ‘those born of God do not commit sin’ to its antinomian extreme of sinless—even guiltless—perfection, as if the power not to sin meant the extirpation of all ‘remains of sin’. For an exposition of this view, see the Supplement to The Christian Magazine for the Year 1762: ‘for all who are united to Christ by the Holy Spirit’s dwelling in them are delivered from the guilt, the power, or, in one word the being of 315sin’ (p. 579; see also below, pp. 328-32). Moreover, they had appealed to Wesley’s basic soteriology as the logical ground for their interpretation.
Wesley, caught in the controversy generated by these two polarities, reacted typically and came up with what he regarded as a valid third alternative. Its root notion was a distinction between ‘sin properly so called’ (i.e., ‘the [deliberate] violation of a known law of God’—mortal if unrepented) and all ‘involuntary transgressions’ (culpable only if unrepented and not discarded when discerned or entertained). This distinction already had a history in Catholic moral theory (‘mortal’ versus ‘venial’); cf. Claude Fleury, Les Moeurs des Israélites (1683; cf. The Manners of the Ancient Israelites…, ed. Adam Clarke [1852], p. 306). But it had also had a special development among Anglican moralists as well. Richard Lucas had analyzed it in his Enquiry After Happiness (1717), III.299-301 (e.g., ‘Mortal sin is a deliberate transgression of a known law of God tending to the dishonour of God and injury of our neighbour or the deprivation of our own nature’). John Kettlewell, in The Measures of Christian Obedience (1681), had spoken of ‘voluntary’ and ‘involuntary’ sins (see Bk. IV, chs. 3-4, pp. 330 ff., 335 ff.). Much more to the same effect had been found in Samuel Bradford’s Boyle Lectures for 1699, The Credibility of the Christian Revelation, from its intrinsic evidence; in eight sermons (1700), Sermon II, p. 445; Hugh Binning, Fellowship With God (1671), pp. 216-18, and John Weemse [Weemes], The Portraiture of God in Man… (1627), p. 326 (cf. Weemes’s formulation of the distinction as between ‘sins forgiven ’ and ‘sins passed by…’).
Thus, there was an unstable tension between the claims that a Christian may be delivered from sin’s bondage, and that ‘sin remains but no longer reigns’ (see below, I.6 and n.); this continued to plague Wesley in many ways, as one can see from his frequent references to it; see below, II.3, III.1-9 and n.; and cf. Nos. 1, Salvation by Faith, II.6; 8, ‘The First-fruits of the Spirit’, II.6, 9, III.4-5; 14, The Repentance of Believers, I.2-3; 18, ‘The Marks of the New Birth’, I.5-6; 19, ‘The Great Privilege of those that are Born of God’, II.8; 40, Christian Perfection, II.4-5; 41, Wandering Thoughts, III.6; 43, The Scripture Way of Salvation, III.6-8; 46, ‘The Wilderness State’, II.6, III.14; 58, On Predestination, §7; 62, ‘The End of Christ’s Coming’, III.3; 65, ‘The Duty of Reproving our Neighbour’, III.14; 74, ‘Of the Church’, §21; 76, ‘On Perfection’, II.9; 82, ‘On Temptation’, I.5; 104, ‘On Attending the Church Service’, §18; 128, 316‘The Deceitfulness of the Human Heart’, II.5. Cf. also Wesley’s letters to John Hosmer, June 7, 1761, to Mary Bishop, May 27, 1771, and to Mrs. Bennis, June 16, 1772.
What matters most is that Wesley insisted on holding to both traditions—sola fide and holy living—without forfeiting the good essence of either. Moreover, he saw no inconsistency in his shifting from one emphasis to the other as circumstances seemed to require. He was more concerned to face the dreadful realities of sin while never yielding to any defeatist notion that God’s grace is intrinsically impotent to save souls ‘to the utmost’, in this life. That enough of his comments on this twin concern could have been misconstrued as a doctrine of ‘sinless perfection’ is apparent both in its exaggerations in Cudworth and others, and also in nineteenth-century developments—especially in American Methodism—in which ‘entire sanctification’ was interpreted as ‘a second and separate work of grace’ and normative for the Christian life; cf. Peters, Christian Perfection and American Methodism.
In 1763, in a needed effort to counter the distortions and bring the controversy more nearly back to balance, Wesley wrote and published a sermon entitled A Discourse on Sin in Believers, ‘in order to remove a mistake which some were labouring to propagate: that there is no sin in any that are justified’ (see JWJ, Mar. 28, and Bibliog, No. 257). In 1767 he wrote out its sequel, The Repentance of Believers, and published it the following year (cf. JWJ, Apr. 17-24, and Bibliog, No. 305).
Here, we find an interesting version of Wesley’s doctrine of ‘entire sanctification’; cf. Pt. II. Shortly after this, when he began to re-arrange the sequence of Vol. I of SOSO for the edition of his Works, he quite deliberately inserted these two sermons as Nos. 13 and 14, between ‘The Witness of Our Own Spirit’ and ‘The Means of Grace’. They are designed, as he says, for the encouragement of ‘the weaker brethren’ whose Christian assurance had been all too easily shaken by their awareness of sin’s residues in their hearts, even in their uncertain pilgrimage of grace toward ‘perfect love’.
The present text of On Sin in Believers is based on the first edition of 1763, and the text of The Repentance of Believers is from its first edition of 1767. For stemmata illustrating text transmissions through the editions published in Wesley’s lifetime and the list of substantive variant readings found in these successive editions, see Appendix, ‘Wesley’s Text’, in Vol. IV.
317 On Sin in Believers2 Corinthians 5:17
If any man be in Christ, he is a new creature.
11I. 1. Is there then sin in him that is in Christ? Does sin remain in one that ‘believes in him’?
Cf. John 9:36, 41.
1 John 3:9; 4:7, etc.
22. And yet I do not know that ever it was controverted in the primitive Church. Indeed there was no room for disputing concerning it, as all Christians were agreed. And so far as I have observed, the whole body of ancient Christians who have left us anything in writing declare with one voice that even believers in Christ, till they are ‘strong in the Lord, and in the power of his might’, have need to ‘wrestle with flesh and blood’, with an evil nature, as well as ‘with principalities and powers’.
Cf. Eph. 6:10, 12.
33. And herein our own Church (as indeed in most points) exactly copies after the primitive;
A typical example of Wesley’s unself-conscious Anglican triumphalism. Cf. also No. 33, ‘Sermon on the Mount, XIII’, III.1; ‘Farther Thoughts on Separation from the Church’, §1, dated Dec. 11, 1789 (AM, 1790); and his letter to Sir Harry Trelawney, Aug. 1780. He was ‘anti-Establishment’, to be sure, but never ‘anti-Anglican’ or even ‘pro-Nonconformist’.
The Thirty-nine Articles were a set of doctrinal formulae first adopted by the Church of England in 1563. They gained full official approval in 1571, having evolved from a series of confessional statements in 1536 (‘Ten Articles’), 1537, 1539 (‘Six Articles’), 1543, and 1553 (‘Forty-two Articles’). By design, they were more Reformed and anti-Roman than the Edwardian Homilies (1547) had been, and they had been added to the Elizabethan Prayer Book as an appendix, since they were never intended to be a ‘confession’ in the same sense as The Augsburg Confession (1530), etc. Even so, it was required that Anglican clergy, in Wesley’s day, and even down till 1865, should subscribe to them. In the prayer book prepared by Wesley for the American Methodists in 1784 (The Sunday Service) he included a highly personal abridgement of them, reducing their number from thirty-nine to twenty-four; a twenty-fifth was added by the Americans. As in the BCP, Wesley’s Articles were placed as an appendix; ‘Of Original or Birth Sin’ appears as Art. VII rather than IX.
Cf. Gal. 5:17.
Cf. No. 8, ‘The First-fruits of the Spirit’, I.2, and, below, IV.7; see also No. 43, The Scripture Way of Salvation, III.6.
Rom. 8:7.
Cf. The Thirty-nine Articles, Art. IX, ‘Of Original or Birth Sin’, and consider Wesley’s omissions. For an even more drastic abridgement, cf. ‘The Twenty-five Articles’ of the Methodists, Art. VII, in Wesley’s Sunday Service.
44. The same testimony is given by all other churches; not only by the Greek and Romish Church, but by every Reformed Church in Europe, of whatever denomination. Indeed some of these seem to carry the thing too far; so describing the corruption of heart in a believer as scarce to allow that he has dominion over it, but rather is in bondage thereto.
Cf. No. 9, ‘The Spirit of Bondage and of Adoption’. This is an obvious reference to the more one-sided versions of the simul justus et peccator as formulated by Matthias Flacius Illyricus and also as denounced by Trent, Session V.v. Cf. The Formula of Concord (Epitome), Art. I (‘On Original Sin’), ‘Affirmative’, III: ‘And we do indeed affirm that no one is able to dissever this [sinful] corruption of [human] nature from the nature itself except God alone—which will fully come to pass by means of death in the resurrection into blessedness,’ in Philip Schaff, The Creeds of Christendom (New York, Harper and Brothers, 1881-82), III.100-101.
Incidentally, this notion of sin’s being destroyed by death is affirmed by the early Wesley in two sermons written before 1738 (cf. Nos. 109, The Trouble and Rest of Good Men, I, II.6; and 136, ‘On Mourning for the Dead’, ¶5, but the notion never reappears afterward. William Tilly had made the point in his sermon ‘On Grieving the Holy Spirit’ which Wesley extracted. This idea had appeared in Luther’s Treatise on the Holy Sacrament of Baptism (1519), VII-VIII, XVII-XVIII, and had then been developed in classical Lutheran eschatology; cf. Schmid, Doctrinal Theology, pp. 625 ff. For references to Luther in the Wesley corpus, cf. No. 14, The Repentance of Believers, I.9 and n.
55. To avoid this extreme many well-meaning men, particularly those under the direction of the late Count Zinzendorf,
Wesley’s relations with Count Ludwig von Zinzendorf, the most prominent of the Moravians, were complex and unfortunate; cf. ‘The Rift With the Moravians’ in LPT, Wesley, pp. 347-76. The crucial difference between them, in Wesley’s view, was that antinomianism was a natural consequence of the Moravian doctrines of ‘perfect love’, whereas his own doctrine of ‘perfection’ and ‘holiness’ was strongly moralized (viz., ‘love of God and neighbour’). Cf. below, III.9-10 and V.1, as well as Nos. 48, ‘Self-denial’, III.2; 76, ‘On Perfection’, III.12; 107, ‘On God’s Vineyard’, I.3. See also JWJ, July 12, 1739, and Sept. 3, 1741; Charles’s letter to the Count, Nov. 26, 1737, and John’s letter of Sept. 6, 1745. See also, Dialogue between an Antinomian and his Friend, Bibliog, No. 102, Vol. 13 of this edn.
66. It is true that when the Germans
I.e., the Moravians.
Cf. Nos. 1, Salvation by Faith, II.6; 14, The Repentance of Believers, I.2; 19, ‘The Great Privilege of those that are Born of God’, II.2; 43, The Scripture Way of Salvation, III.6-8; 74, ‘Of the Church’, §21; and 128, ‘The Deceitfulness of the Human Heart’, II.5. See also Wesley’s account of Christian David’s beliefs, in JWJ, Aug. 10, 1738, where the same phrase occurs: ‘though it [sin] did not reign, it did remain in me.’
77. But the English who had received it from them (some directly, some at second or third hand) were not so easily prevailed upon to part with a favourite opinion. And even when the generality of them were convinced it was utterly indefensible, a few could not be persuaded to give it up, but maintain it to this day.
E.g., John Gambold had been a lively member of the Holy Club and the author of a fine sermon, ‘On the Holy Spirit’ (1736), which Jackson published as Wesley’s own (in his edn. of Works, VII.508-20). Subsequently, Gambold became a pastor of the Moravians in England and, finally, their bishop. There is a poignant record of Wesley’s last visit with him in JWJ, Nov. 5, 1763—very close to the date of the reference above.
1II. 1. For the sake of these who really fear God and desire to know ‘the truth as it is in Jesus’,
Eph. 4:21.
But see below, No. 18, ‘The Marks of the New Birth’, where significant nuances of differentiation between these terms may be found.
22. By ‘sin’ I here understand inward sin:
Wesley’s inventory of ‘inward’ sins corresponds to what he speaks of elsewhere as ‘involuntary’ (as the Lutherans had in their Formula of Concord) and to what the Romans had grouped under the heading of ‘venial’ at Trent, Session V; see above, intro. and I.4 and n.
33. The question is not concerning outward sin, whether a child of God commits sin or no. We all agree and earnestly maintain, ‘He that committeth sin is of the devil.’
1 John 3:8.
1 John 3:9.
44. We allow that the state of a justified person is inexpressibly great and glorious. He is ‘born again, not of blood, nor of the flesh, nor of the will of man, but of God’.
Cf. John 1:13.
Cf. Phil. 4:7.
Cf. 1 Cor. 6:19.
Eph. 2:22.
Eph. 2:10.
Cf. Acts 15:9.
2 Pet. 1:4.
Cf. Rom. 5:5.
Eph. 5:2.
John 4:23, 24.
Cf. 1 John 3:22.
Cf. Acts 24:16.
1III. 1. ‘But was he not then “freed from all sin”,
Rom. 6:7.
Gal. 5:17.
22. Again: when he writes to the believers at Corinth, to those who were
‘sanctified in Christ Jesus’,
1 Cor. 1:2.
‘Babes’ or ‘children’, ‘young men’, and ‘fathers’ in Christ is a frequent theme throughout Wesley’s writings. E.g., cf. Nos. 24, ‘Sermon on the Mount, IV’, I.4; 40, Christian Perfection, II.1; 55, On the Trinity, §17; 83, ‘On Patience’, §10. See also JWJ, July 17, 1741, where Wesley records he preached a sermon from 1 Cor. 3: ‘The school at Kingswood was throughly filled between eight and nine in the evening. I showed them from the example of the Corinthians what need we have to bear one with another, seeing we are not to expect “many fathers in Christ,” no, nor young men among us, as yet. We then poured out our souls in prayer and praise, and our Lord did not hide his face from us.’ Cf. also his letter to the Revd. Mr. Plenderlieth, May 23, 1768; to Joseph Benson, Mar. 16, 1771; to Elizabeth Briggs, May 31, 1771; and to John Fletcher, Mar. 22, 1775, and June 1, 1776. In his Notes on Heb. 5:13-14, Wesley distinguishes the ‘babes’, ‘who desire and can digest nothing but the doctrine of justification and imputed righteousness’ from those ‘of full age’, who embrace the ‘sublimer truths relating to “perfection”’.
[1 Cor.] 3:1, 3.
Col. 1:2.
33. Indeed this grand point, that there are two contrary principles in believers—nature and grace, the flesh and the spirit—runs through all the epistles of St. Paul, yea, through all the Holy Scriptures.
For a rather different view of the tension between nature and prevenient grace, see below, No. 85, ‘On Working Out Our Own Salvation’, III.3-4.
44. And who can doubt but there was faith in the angel of the church of Ephesus
I.e., the pastor and congregation considered as a single persona; cf. Wesley’s Notes for Rev. 2:2-4.
Rev. 2:2-4.
All the contemporary editions have ‘a real sin’, but the errata sheet in Works (1771) calls for the ‘a’ to be deleted, as does the MS correction in Wesley’s personal copy.
55. Nay, the angel of the church at Pergamos also is exhorted to ‘repent’,
which implies sin, though our Lord expressly says, ‘Thou hast not denied my
faith.’
Ver. 13, 16. [Rev.]
3:2. Ver. 3.
66. Once more: when the Apostle exhorts believers to ‘cleanse’ themselves
‘from all filthiness of flesh and spirit’,
2 Cor. 7:1.
Cf. 1 Thess. 5:22.
77. And as this position, ‘there is no sin in a believer, no carnal mind, no bent to backsliding,’
The last phrase here is from Hos. 11:7; the entire quotation appears to be Wesley’s own paraphrase of an antinomian view (as, e.g., from Cudworth and Relly).
Cf. 1 John 5:19.
Cf. Rom. 8:16.
Cf. Rom. 5:11.
Cf. Col. 1:27. The same point as Luther’s simul justus et peccator.
88. ‘But can Christ be in the same heart where sin is?’ Undoubtedly he can; otherwise it never could be saved therefrom. Where the sickness is, there is the physician,
‘Hymn for Whitsunday’, st. 4, ll. 3-4, Hymns and Sacred Poems (1739), p. 214 (Poet. Wks., I.188). The metaphors here of Christ the physician and of salvation as healing are significant; they distinguish Wesley’s essentially interpersonal, therapeutic views of justification, regeneration, and sanctification from all their forensic alternatives; cf. No. 17, ‘The Circumcision of the Heart’, I.5.
Christ indeed cannot reign where sin reigns; neither will he dwell where any sin is allowed. But he is and dwells in the heart of every believer who is fighting against all sin; although it be ‘not’ yet ‘purified according to the purification of the sanctuary’.
2 Chr. 30:19.
9 3249. It has been observed before, that the opposite doctrine, ‘that there is no sin in believers’, is quite new in the church of Christ; that it was never heard of for seventeen hundred years, never till it was discovered by Count Zinzendorf. I do not remember to have seen the least intimation of it either in any ancient or modern writer, unless perhaps in some of the wild, ranting antinomians.
Such as Johannes Agricola (1494-1566), Tobias Crisp (1600-43; cf. DNB, ‘extremely unguarded in his expressions’), and John Saltmarsh (d. 1647; cf. DNB, ‘champion of complete religious liberty’).
See I.5 above.
1 John 1:1. That Wesley took ‘Christian antiquity’ as a decisive guideline in theology and ethics may be seen, early and late, throughout the corpus. On Jan. 24, 1738 (see JWJ) he had invoked his own version of the ‘canon’ of Vincent of Lerins (first half of the fifth century) as ‘a sure rule of interpreting Scripture, viz.: Consensus veterum: quod ab omnibus, quod ubique, quod semper creditum…’ (‘the ancient consensus: what has been believed by all, everywhere and always…’); cf. The Commonitory of Vincent of Lerins (435), ch. II, §6. See also John Goodman, The Old Religion… (1684), ‘To the Reader’. In No. 14, The Repentance of Believers, I.2, Wesley will list Scripture, reason, and Christian experience as his doctrinal norms. But in the Preface to his collected Works, I (1771), the list will read: ‘Scripture, reason, and Christian antiquity’. See also his letter to Walter Churchey (June 20, 1789): ‘In religion I am for as few innovations as possible;’ for other references to doctrinal ‘novelty’, cf. No. 25, ‘Sermon on the Mount, V’, §1 and n.
1010. One argument more against this new, unscriptural doctrine may be drawn from the dreadful consequences of it. One says, ‘I felt anger today.’ Must I reply, ‘Then you have no faith’? Another says, ‘I know what you advise is good; but my will is quite averse to it.’ Must I tell him, ‘Then you are an unbeliever, under the wrath and the curse of God’? What will be the natural consequence of this? Why, if he believe what I say, his soul will not only be grieved and wounded but perhaps utterly destroyed; inasmuch as he will ‘cast away that confidence which hath great recompense of reward’.
Cf. Heb. 10:35.
Eph. 6:16 (cf. Notes).
See John 16:33.
1 John 5:4.
Orig., ‘had’, altered to ‘hath’ in 1771 only.
1IV. 1. However, let us give a fair hearing to the chief arguments of those who endeavour to support it. And it is, first, from Scripture they attempt to prove that there is no sin in a believer. They argue thus: ‘The Scripture says every believer is “born of God”,
1 John 3:9; 4:7.
John 15:3, etc.
Eph. 1:4, etc.
Rom. 15:16, etc.
Matt. 5:8.
1 Cor. 6:19.
John 3:6.
This pejorative summary of Moravian teachings should be compared with Zinzendorf’s public teaching, as in Nine Public Lectures on Important Subjects in Religion, Preached in Fetter Lane Chapel in London, 1746, ed., G. W. Forell (Iowa City, Iowa, University of Iowa Press, 1973); see espec. Lecture IV, ‘Concerning Saving Faith’, and Lecture VII, ‘On the Essential Character and Circumstances of the Life of a Christian’. Zinzendorf’s words and Wesley’s interpretation of them leave ground for pondering: was Wesley reading Zinzendorf in the light of the antinomian views of the English Moravians?
I have put this objection as strong as possible, that its full weight may appear. Let us now examine it, part by part. And (1). 326‘“That which is born of the Spirit is spirit,” is altogether good.’ I allow the text, but not the comment; for the text affirms this, and no more, that every man who is ‘born of the Spirit’ is a spiritual man. He is so. But so he may be, and yet not be altogether spiritual.
An interesting inversion of Wesley’s earlier doctrine of the radical difference between ‘almost’ and ‘altogether’ Christians; cf. No. 2, The Almost Christian, proem.
Cf. Gal. 5:4.
1 Cor. 3:1.
1 Cor 6:9, 10, 11.
1 Cor. 6:19.
22. ‘However, there is one Scripture more which will put the matter out of
question: “If any man be (a believer) in Christ, he is a new creature. Old
things are passed away; behold all things are become new.”
2 Cor.
5:17.
Eph. 4:23.
1 Cor. 3:1.
See Phil. 2:5.
Col. 3:9.
See Rom. 7:23.
2 Cor. 2:11.
1 Pet. 4:7.
33. This whole argument, ‘If he is clean, he is clean,’ ‘if he is holy, he is holy’ (and twenty more expressions of the same kind may easily be heaped together) is really no better than playing upon words: it is the fallacy of arguing from a particular to a general,
Yet another reminder of Wesley’s days as ‘Moderator of the Classes’ (i.e., logical disputations) at Lincoln College. He had mastered Dean Henry Aldrich’s Artis Logicae Compendiae (1691) and, indeed, had translated it into English in 1750 for use in the Kingswood School; cf. Bibliog, No. 186 (Vol. 15 of this edn.).
Cf. 1 John 3:4.
44.
What follows for some pages is an answer to a paper published in
the Christian’s [sic]
Magazine, pp. 577-82. I am surprised Mr.
Dodd should give such a paper a place in his magazine which is
directly contrary to our Ninth Article. [William Dodd is more famous for the spectacularly tragic ending of
his career (his trial and execution as a forger) than for his
earlier successes as a popular Anglican preacher whose ‘eloquent and
touching’ sermons ‘in the French style’ were praised by Horace
Walpole (Letters, III.282; cf. Leslie
Stephens’s biography of Dodd, DNB. Wesley had
known him since 1756, and there had been a running controversy
between them about Wesley’s doctrine of Christian perfection and
also about Wesley’s separatist tendencies. Wesley’s account of his
pastoral visits with Dr. Dodd during his last days and at his
execution was published in AM, 1783, pp.
358-60 (see Vol. 14 of this edn.). [Dodd
was editor of the Christian Magazine,
1760-67, and in its Supplement…for the Year
1762 (pp. 577-82) published an article, ‘Thoughts on
Christianity’, by one ‘C.’ (does this signify ‘Christian’ or,
perhaps, William Cudworth?). Unsurprisingly, ‘C.’s’ arguments are
more carefully nuanced than one could guess from Wesley’s excerpts,
even though their essential consequence is not misrepresented by
much. And his stated aims (p. 582), to undercut hypocrisy, to
abolish ‘antinomianism’, and to end ‘the great contest about
inherent and imputed righteousness’, were not very different from
Wesley’s own, especially in his later years. What is most
significant here is that when Wesley was confronted with a clear and
forceful doctrine of sinless perfection, his repudiation of it was
immediate and vigorous.] Rom. 8:1.
‘C.’s’ text (p. 579): ‘…all who are united to Christ by the holy spirits [sic] dwelling in them are delivered from the guilt, the power or, in one word, the being of sin.’
These are coupled together as if they were the same thing. But they are not the same thing. The guilt is one thing, the power another, and the being yet another. That believers are delivered from the guilt and power of sin we allow; that they are delivered from the being of it we deny. Nor does it in any wise follow from these texts. A man may have the Spirit of God dwelling in him, and may ‘walk after the Spirit’,
Rom. 8:1.
Cf. Gal. 5:17.
55. ‘But the “church is the body of Christ”.
Col. 1:24.
‘C’s’ text: ‘From the church being called “the body of Christ” (Col. 1:24), which undoubtedly implies that all the members of it are washed from all filthiness, or else that blasphemous consequence would follow, viz., Christ and Belial are not only connected but in some sense incorporated with each other.’
Nay, it will not follow from hence—‘Those who are the mystical body of Christ still feel the flesh lusting against the 329Spirit’—that Christ has any fellowship with the devil, or with that sin which he enables them to resist and overcome.
66. ‘But are not Christians “come to the heavenly Jerusalem”, where “nothing defiled can enter”?’
Cf. Rev. 21:27. ‘C.’s’ text: ‘It seems by the heavenly Jerusalem here we are to understand the Gospel church [i.e., on earth]…since it is said (Hebrews 12:22) that the kings of the earth shall bring their glory into this city, which cannot with propriety be said of the church triumphant, they having there no more glory than the meanest subject.’
Heb. 12:22-23.
Cf. ‘The Communion of Saints, Pt. VI’, st. 1, last quatrain, in Hymns and Sacred Poems (1740), p. 198 (Poet. Wks., I.364). Orig.:
For quotations of other lines from this hymn, cf. Nos. 107, ‘On God’s Vineyard’, II.6; and 132, ‘On Faith, Heb. 11:1’, §6.
And they are likewise holy and undefiled while they ‘walk after the Spirit’;
Rom. 8:1.
Gal. 5:17.
77. ‘But Christians are “reconciled to God”.
Rom. 5:10; 2 Cor. 5:20.
Rom. 8:7.
We ‘are reconciled to God through the blood of the cross’.
Cf. Col. 1:20.
Rom. 8:7; cf. I.3 above and n.
Jas. 4:4.
Cf. Rom 6:9.
88. ‘But “they that are Christ’s have crucified the flesh, with its
affections and lusts.”’
Gal. 5:24. Col.
3:9.
2 Cor. 5:17.
Eph. 5:25, 27.
99. ‘But let experience speak: all who are justified do at that time find an absolute freedom from all sin.’
‘C.’s’ text (p. 581): ‘nine out of ten, at least’.
1010. ‘But, in the very nature of things, can a man have pride in him, and not be proud? Anger, and yet not be angry?’
‘C.’s’ text: ‘Suppose anyone should assert that a man may have anger in him, yet not be angry; pride in him, yet not be proud; the love of the world in him, yet not love the world; what should we think of such an one’s understanding?’
A man may have pride in him, may think of himself in some particulars above what he ought to think (and so be proud in that particular) and yet not be a proud man in his general character. He may have anger in him, yea, and a strong propensity to furious anger, without giving way to it. ‘But can anger and pride be in that heart where only meekness and humility are felt?’ No; but some pride and anger may be in that heart where there is much humility and meekness.
‘It avails not to say these tempers are there, but they do not reign; for sin cannot in any kind or degree exist where it does not reign; for guilt and power are essential properties of sin. Therefore where one of them is, all must be.’
‘C.’s’ text (pp. 581-82): ‘It will not mend the matter at all to say, “these tempers are there but they do not reign…”. [This] implies a contradiction, for it is an infallible axiom that sin cannot, in any kind or degree, exist where it does not reign, no more than fire can live where it does not burn. Guilt and power being essential properties of sin, it follows that where one of them is they all necessarily must be, and where anyone is wanting, none of them can be there; for to separate these is to separate a thing from itself.’ ‘C.’s’ contention here is that conscious and unconscious sinful tempers cannot be dichotomized; on the other hand, such a dichotomy is one of Wesley’s crucial presuppositions.
Strange indeed! ‘Sin cannot in any kind or degree exist where it 331does not reign’? Absolutely contrary this to all experience, all Scripture, all common sense. Resentment of an affront is sin. It is ἀνομία, disconformity to the law of love.
See IV.3 above.
Gal. 5:17.
1111. ‘But the supposing sin in a believer is pregnant with everything frightful and discouraging. It implies the contending with a power that has the possession of our strength, maintains his usurpation of our hearts, and there prosecutes the war in defiance of our Redeemer.’ Not so. The supposing sin is in us does not imply that it has the possession of our strength; no more than a man crucified has the possession of those that crucify him. As little does it imply that sin ‘maintains its usurpation of our hearts’. The usurper is dethroned. He remains indeed where he once reigned; but remains in chains. So that he does in some sense ‘prosecute the war’, yet he grows weaker and weaker, while the believer goes on from strength to strength, conquering and to conquer.
1212. ‘I am not satisfied yet. He that has sin in him is a slave to sin. Therefore you suppose a man to be justified while he is a slave to sin. Now if you allow men may be justified while they have pride, anger, or unbelief in them—nay if you aver these are (at least for a time) in all that are justified—what wonder that we have so many proud, angry, unbelieving believers!’
‘C.’s’ text: ‘Is it to be wondered at if those who are prepossessed with such apprehensions should either decline the Christian warfare or faint in the day of battles; either not prepare to stand in the evil day or, having done so, not be able to stand?’ Is Wesley’s quotation here a very free paraphrase of his own, or is he quoting yet another source? The same question may be asked of the remaining quotations, since none of them appears verbatim in ‘C.’s’ text.
I do not suppose any man who is justified is a slave to sin. Yet I do suppose sin remains (at least for a time) in all that are justified. ‘But if sin remains in a believer he is a sinful man: if pride, for instance, then he is proud; if self-will, then he is self-willed; if unbelief, then he is an unbeliever—consequently, no believer at 332all. How then does he differ from unbelievers, from unregenerate men?’
This is still mere playing upon words. It means no more than, ‘If there is sin, pride, self-will in him, then—there is sin, pride, self-will.’ And this nobody can deny. In that sense, then, he is proud or self-willed. But he is not proud or self-willed in the same sense that unbelievers are, that is, governed by pride or self-will. Herein he differs from unregenerate men. They obey sin; he does not. Flesh is in them both. But they ‘walk after the flesh’; he ‘walks after the Spirit’.
‘But how can unbelief be in a believer?’ That word has two meanings. It means either no faith, or little faith; either the absence of faith, or the weakness of it. In the former sense, unbelief is not in a believer; in the latter, it is in all babes. Their faith is commonly mixed with doubt or fear, that is (in the latter sense) with unbelief. ‘Why are ye fearful,’ says our Lord, ‘O ye of little faith?’
Matt. 8:26.
Matt. 14:31.
Cf. this defence of gradations [degrees] of faith (and the validity of even a low degree of it) with No. 2, The Almost Christian and with Wesley’s earlier either/or doctrine of assurance. Cf. also JWJ, May 29, June 6, 1738; the Minutes, Aug. 2, 1745 (answer to Q. 5) and June 16, 1747 (answer to Q.2, 5); and his letters to Richard Tompson, July 25, 1755, and Feb. 5, 1756.
1313. ‘But this doctrine—that sin remains in a believer, that a man may be in the favour of God while he has sin in his heart—certainly tends to encourage men in sin.’ Understand the proposition right, and no such consequence follows. A man may be in God’s favour though he feel sin; but not if he yields to it. Having sin does not forfeit the favour of God; giving way to sin does. Though the flesh in you ‘lust against the Spirit’, you may still be a child of God. But if you ‘walk after the flesh’, you are a child of the devil. Now, this doctrine does not encourage to obey sin, but to resist it with all our might.
51V. 1. The sum of all is this: there are in every person, even after he is justified, two contrary principles, nature and grace, termed by St. Paul the ‘flesh’ and the ‘spirit’. Hence although even babes in Christ are sanctified, yet it is only in part. In a degree, according to the measure of their faith, they are spiritual; yet in a degree they are carnal. Accordingly, believers are continually exhorted to 333watch against the flesh, as well as the world and the devil.
BCP, Litany.
See above, I.5 and n., and III.9 and n.
Judg. 16. Cf. also Matthew Mead, The Almost Christian Discovered, p. 107: ‘There is a natural man, let him go never so far, let him go never so much in matters of religion, but still he hath his Delilah, his bosom lust.’ For Wesley’s use of ‘bosom sin’, cf. No. 48, ‘Self-denial’, II.2 and n.
Cf. Eph. 6:16.
22. Let us therefore hold fast the sound doctrine ‘once delivered to the saints’,
Jude 3.
As explicit a version of the ‘saved and yet also a sinner at one and the same time’ as one might ask for. This should be compared to other passages where Wesley himself comes closer to claiming for Christians ‘the power not to sin’ or, indeed, close enough to a doctrine of sinless perfection as to allow for its development in some of his nineteenth-century followers, in his name. Cf. Nos. 14, The Repentance of Believers, I.20, III.2; 40, Christian Perfection, II.1-30; 42, ‘Satan’s Devices’, I.1; and see 109, The Trouble and Rest of Good Men, II.4 (which stands almost in contrast on this point to the sermon on Christian Perfection). Cf. also A Plain Account of Christian Perfection; The Principles of a Methodist, §§11-12; and Some Remarks on a Defence of…Aspasio Vindicated, §4. Wesley’s prefaces to the earliest editions of the Hymns and Sacred Poems contain some of the strongest, least nuanced statements of perfection in the Wesley corpus; without the phrase itself, they come close to advocating ‘sinless perfection’ (see Bibliog, Nos. 13, 40, 54, and the text in Vol. 12 of this edn.). Cf. also his letter to Revd. Mr. Plenderlieth, May 23, 1768, and to Thomas Olivers, Mar. 24, 1757.
Cf. 1 Tim. 6:12.
Matt. 26:41; Mark 13:33.
Cf. Eph. 6:11-13.
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Entry Title: Sermon 13: On Sin in Believers