Notes:
Sermon 111: National Sins and Miseries
Wesley had been bred up as a Tory and remained one all his life. He could even define the term (in 1785) in much the same sense as his father and elder brother before him: ‘one who believes God, not the people, to be the origin of all civil power’.
See his letter to Gent’s Mag., Dec. 24, 1785; see also his Thoughts concerning the Origin of Power (1772).
See Wesley, Free Thoughts on the Present State of Public Affairs (1770); for an account of the Wilkes affair by a historian who was also interested in Wesley and Methodism, see W. E. H. Lecky, A History of England in the Eighteenth Century (1892), III.242-345.
See Wesley, A Calm Address to our American Colonies, 1775 (Bibliog, No. 354, Vol. 15 of this edn.).
The opening battles of the new revolution had come in April 1775—at Lexington, Concord, Bunker Hill—and had resulted in an unexpectedly large number of English casualties. Almost as if by reflex, such events had rekindled Wesley’s dread and horror of yet another ‘civil war’, Briton against Briton.
Cf. Robertson, England under the Hanoverians, pp. 251-68.
Wesley had been accused of currying favour with the king: ‘…one hand stretched out to the King, the other raised up to God’; see Gent’s Mag., 1775, p. 561.
The sermon’s actual occasion is then recorded as follows:
“Sunday, 12. I was desired to preach, in Bethnal Green Church, a charity sermon…. Knowing how many would seek offence, I wrote down my sermon. I dined with Sir John Hawkins and three other gentlemen that are in commission for the peace;I.e., local Justices of the Peace.
The sermon was promptly printed, as A Sermon preached at St. Matthew’s, Bethnal Green, on Sunday, Nov. 12, 1775. It was reissued in a second edition nine years later (1784). Its present title was supplied by Thomas Jackson in 1825. For further bibliographical details, see Bibliog, No. 356.
03:566 National Sins and Miseries2 Samuel 24:17
Lo, I have sinned, and I have done wickedly: but these sheep, what have they done?
11. The chapter begins, ‘And again the anger of the Lord was kindled against Israel, and he moved David against them to say, Go, number Israel and Judah.’
2 Sam. 24:1.
Chap. 21:1.
An exegesis determined by a theological bias: the bare text of 2 Sam. 24:1 leaves the translator no option with respect to the antecedent of ‘he’; it is God. But Wesley knew the difficulties here and implies that 1 Chr. 21:1 establishes the sense of 2 Sam. 24:1. He also knew the juggling act attempted by Poole, Annotations, on 2 Sam. 24:1, and Henry’s conclusion in his Exposition that despite what the text might seem to say, still ‘God is not the author of sin; he tempts no man.’
1 Chr. 21:1.
An echo of Job 1:6-12.
Ver. 2.
22. It does not clearly appear wherein the sin of thus numbering the people
consisted. There is no express prohibition of it in any of the Scriptures which
were then extant. Yet we read, ‘The king’s word was abominable to Joab,’
Ver.
6.
1 Chr. 21:3.
1 Chr. 21:7.
2 Sam. 24:10.
See No. 14, The Repentance of Believers, I.3 and n.
33. In the sequel we find that even Joab was for once a true prophet: David was ‘a cause of trespass’, of punishment, ‘to Israel’. His sin, added to all the sins of the people, filled up the measure of their iniquities. So ‘the Lord sent a pestilence upon Israel, from the morning’—wherein Gad the prophet gave David his choice of war, famine, or pestilence
See 2 Sam. 24:13.
Ver. 15.
See Josh. 5:13; this particular detail is not in the 2 Sam. story.
44. Is there not in several respects a remarkable resemblance between the case of Israel and our own? General wickedness then 03:568occasioned a general visitation; and does not the same cause now produce the same effect? We likewise have sinned, and we are punished; and perhaps these are only the beginning of sorrows.
See Matt. 24:8.
Cf. 2 Sam. 24:16.
55. That vice is the parent of misery, few deny; it is confirmed by the general suffrage of all ages. But we seldom bring this home to ourselves: when we speak of sin as the cause of misery we usually mean the sin of other people, and suppose we suffer because they sin. But need we go so far? Are not our own vices sufficient to account for all our sufferings? Let us fairly and impartially consider this: let us examine our own hearts and lives. We all suffer: and we have all sinned. But will it not be most profitable for us to consider every one his own sins as bringing sufferings both on himself and others? To say, ‘Lo, I have sinned, I have done wickedly: but these sheep, what have they done?’
11I. 1. Let us inquire, first, what they suffer. And afterwards, what is the cause of these sufferings. That the people suffer none can deny, that they are afflicted in a more than ordinary manner. Thousands and tens of thousands are at this day deeply afflicted through want of business. It is true that this want is in some measure removed in some large and opulent towns. But it is also true that this is far, very far, from being the general case of the kingdom. Nothing is more sure than that thousands of people in the west of England—throughout Cornwall in particular—in the north, and even in the midland counties, are totally unemployed. Hence those who formerly wanted nothing are now in want of all things. They are so far from the plenty they once enjoyed that they are in the most deplorable distress, deprived not only of the conveniences, but most of the necessaries of life. I have seen not a few of these wretched creatures, within little more than an hundred miles of London, standing in the streets with pale looks, hollow eyes, and meagre limbs; or creeping up and down like walking shadows. I have known families who a few years ago lived in an easy, genteel manner, reduced to just as much raiment as they had on, and as much food as they could gather in the field. 03:569To this one or other of them repaired once a day, to pick up the turnips which the cattle had left; which they boiled, if they could get a few sticks, or otherwise ate them raw. Such is the want of food to which many of our countrymen are at this day reduced by want of business.
Wesley knew as much of rural England at first hand as any other man of his time, and his observations of the adverse economic (and human) effects of the Industrial Revolution are scattered through his Journal and Letters during the 1770s; cf., e.g., JWJ, Oct. 27, 1772; Dec. 21, 1772; Jan. 7, 1773; and his letters to Mrs. Barton, Jan. 21, 1773; and to Lord North, June 14, 1775; see also Thoughts on the Present Scarcity of Provisions, Jun. 20, 1773 (Bibliog, No. 344, Vol. 15 of this edn.). Something of the same picture appears in William Cobbett, Rural Rides (1830); William Marshall, A General Survey…of the Rural Economy of England (1787-98); F. M. Eden, The State of the Poor (1797), which forms the background for T. R. Malthus’s gloomy Essay on the Principle of Population (1798). Cf. Samuel Johnson’s comments that support Wesley’s observations reported in Boswell’s Life of Johnson (Oct. 20, 1769; Apr. 6, 1772; and Mar. 30, 1778). See also George Rudé, Hanoverian London, 1714-1808, pp. 191 ff.
22. Grievous enough is this calamity, which multitudes every day suffer. But I do not know whether many more do not labour under a still more grievous calamity. It is a great affliction to be deprived of bread; but it is a still greater to be deprived of our senses. And this is the case with thousands upon thousands of our countrymen at this day. Widespread poverty (though not in so high a degree) I have seen several years ago. But so widespread a lunacy I never saw, nor I believe the oldest man alive. Thousands of plain, honest people throughout the land are driven utterly out of their senses by means of the poison which is so diligently spread through every city and town in the kingdom. They are screaming out for liberty while they have it in their hands,
An echo of Wesley’s favourable comments on the character and government of George III; in addition to the citations already given, see A Word to a Freeholder (Bibliog, No. 139, Vol. 14 of this edn.); and ‘How Far is it the Duty of a Christian Minister to Preach Politics?’ in AM (1782), V.151-52.
The Hospital of St. Mary of Bethlehem (London), used since the sixteenth century as an asylum for the mentally deranged; hence by extension ‘a lunatic asylum’. The original Bedlam was situated near London Wall, not far from Wesley’s headquarters in Upper Moorfields.
33. Let not anyone think this is but a small calamity which is fallen upon our land. If you saw, as I have seen, in every county, city, town, men who were once of a calm, mild, friendly temper, mad with party zeal,
Cf. James Thomson, The Seasons, ‘Spring’, l. 929: ‘And honest zeal, unwarped by party-rage’.
See 1 Pet. 2:17.
44. Such is the condition of Englishmen at home. And is it any better abroad? I fear not. From those who are now upon the spot I learn that in our colonies,
In the early stages of resistance to British rule in America Wesley had commented favourably on American demands for civil liberties; see his letter to the Earl of Dartmouth, June 14, 1775: ‘I cannot avoid thinking (if I think at all) that an oppressed people asked for nothing more than their legal rights, and that in the most modest and inoffensive manner which the nature of the thing would allow;’ see also his letter to Lord North, June 15, 1775. But when the colonists raised the cry of independence, Wesley turned against them.
See Isa. 59:14.
Job 28:12, 20.
Cf. Acts 2:8.
An echo of Horace Walpole’s dictum that ‘the name of the opposition is anarchy’, cited in Robertson, England Under the Hanoverians, p. 265.
See No. 128, ‘The Deceitfulness of the Human Heart’, II.4, where Wesley, quoting from Nicholas Rowe’s Tamerlane, Act I, sc. 1, ll. 96-100, speaks of ‘that foul monster, war’. For his other comments on war, see No. 22, ‘Sermon on the Mount, II’, III.18 and n.
55. And what is it which drags on these poor victims into the field of blood? It is a great phantom which stalks before them, which they are taught to call, ‘liberty’! It is this which breathes
Cf. Samuel Wesley, Jun., ‘The Battle of the Sexes’, vi.6-8 (Poems, 1736, p. 24):
See also John Wesley, A Collection of Moral and Sacred Poems (1744), III.21.
Real liberty, meantime, is trampled underfoot, and is lost in anarchy and confusion.
66. But which of these warriors all the while considered the wife of his youth, that is now left a disconsolate widow—perhaps with none that careth for her; perhaps deprived of her only comfort and support, and not having where to lay her head? Who considered his helpless children, now desolate orphans; it may be, crying for bread, while their mother has nothing left to give them but her sorrows and her tears?
II. 1. And yet ‘these sheep, what have they done’, although all this is come upon them? ‘Suppose ye that’ they are ‘sinners above other men, because they suffer such things? I tell you, Nay; but except ye repent, ye shall all likewise perish.’
Cf. Luke 13:2-3.
2 Sam. 24:17.
2. The time would fail should I attempt to enumerate all the ways wherein we have sinned; but in general, this is certain:
See John and Charles Wesley, Hymns for Times of Persecution (London, 1744), n. 4 (Poet. Wks., IV.4).
How innumerable are the violations of justice among us! Who does not adopt the old maxim,
“ Si possis, recte; si non, quocunque modo rem:Horace, Epistles, I.i.65-66; cf. No. 95, ‘On the Education of Children’, §19 and n.
Where is mercy to be found, if it would stand in opposition to interest? How few will scruple, for a valuable consideration, to oppress the widow or fatherless?
See Zech. 7:10.
Cf. Eph. 4:25.
Cf. No. 100, ‘On Pleasing All Men’, I.4, where Wesley identifies Addison.
Edward Hyde, first Earl of Clarendon (1604-74), whose History of the Rebellion (1702-4) Wesley had read in 1726 and had often recommended (cf. his letter to Samuel Furly, Mar. 7, 1758; and JWJ, Oct 18, 1774). On this point of spies and spying (and an explanation of how spies had come to be called ‘lions’), cf. Addison’s essay in The Guardian, No. 17, June 2, 1713; see also his remarks about the Earl of Clarendon in The Spectator, No. 439, July 24, 1712. Actually, of course, Clarendon’s scruples were not strong enough to prevent his making use of them; see T. H. Lister, Life and Administration of Edward, first Earl of Clarendon (1838), Vol. 2.
33. O truth, whither art thou fled? How few have any acquaintance with thee? Do not we continually tell lies for the nonce, without gaining thereby either profit or pleasure? Is not even our common language replete with falsehood? Above an hundred years ago the poet complained,
Cf. Shakespeare, Twelfth Night, III.i.109-10:
In this context ‘fawning’ is clearly the wrong word; it may have been a printer’s misreading; but see No. 90, ‘An Israelite Indeed’, II.8 and n.
What would he have said had he lived a century later, when that art was brought to perfection?
44. Perhaps there is one palpable evidence of this which is not usually attended to. If you blame a man in many other respects, he is not much affronted. But if you say he is a liar, he will not bear it; he takes fire at once. Why is this? Because a man can bear to be blamed when he is conscious of his own innocence. But if you say 03:574he is a liar you touch a sore spot; he is guilty, and therefore cannot bear it.
55. Is there a character more despicable than even that of a liar? Perhaps there is; even that of an epicure. And are we not a generation of epicures? Is not our ‘belly’ our ‘god’?
Cf. Phil. 3:19.
See No. 50, ‘The Use of Money’, II.2 and n.
66. Luxury is constantly the parent of sloth.
Cf. Plato, Republic, IV.422: ‘Wealth is the parent of luxury and sloth….’ But see also the proverb in Nicholas Ling, Politeuphuia, Wits Common-wealth (1699): ‘Sloth is the mother of poverty.’ In No. 89, ‘The More Excellent Way’, III.1, Wesley had said that sloth is inconsistent with religion; see also No. 113, The Late Work of God in North America, I.14.
George Herbert, The Temple, ‘The Church Porch’, ver. 16, l. 1.
what would he have said now? Observe the difference between the last and the present century, only in a single instance. In the last, the Parliament used to meet hora quinta ante meridiem!
π;There is another reference to this alleged custom in Wesley’s Estimate of the Manners of the Present Times, §1: ‘With regard to sloth, it was the constant custom of our ancestors to rise at four in the morning. This was the stated hour, summer and winter, for all that were in health. The two Houses of Parliament met “at five”; hora quinta antemeridiana, says their Journal.’ A proper citation for this is lacking.
77. Permit me to touch on one article more wherein indeed we excel all the nations upon earth. Not one nation under the canopy of heaven can vie with the English in profaneness. Such a total 03:575neglect, such an utter contempt of God, is nowhere else to be found. In no other streets, except in Ireland, can you hear on every side,
Cf. Prior, ‘Henry and Emma’, ll. 464-66, beginning, ‘Must hear the frequent oath, the direful curse.’ See also, A Serious Address to the People of England, §9 (Bibliog, No. 386, Vol. 15 of this edn.).
88. Now let each of us lay his hand upon his heart and say, ‘Lord, is it I?
Matt. 26:22.
Col. 3:12.
9. But now the plague is begun, and has already made such ravages both in England and America, what can we do in order that it may be stayed? How shall we stand between the living and the dead? Is there any better way to turn aside the anger of God than that prescribed by St. James, ‘Purge your hands, ye sinners, and purify your hearts, ye double-minded’?
Cf. Jas. 4:8.
Rev. 12:14.
Eph. 4:29.
See 1 Pet. 2:22.
See Matt. 7:12.
See Acts 24:16.
See Gal. 2:20.
Cf. Acts 15:9.
See Matt. 6:24.
See 1 Pet. 5:6.
Jas. 3:15, 17.
Cf. Eph. 4:31-32.
10. And now ‘let my counsel be acceptable to you’, to every one of you present before God. ‘Break off thy sins by repentance, and thy iniquities by showing mercy to the poor, if it may be a lengthening of thy tranquility’
Cf. Dan. 4:27.
See Isa. 2:4; Mic. 4:3.
Cf. 1 Pet. 2:17.
London, Nov. 7, 1775
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Entry Title: Sermon 111: National Sins and Miseries