Notes:
Sermon 113: The Late Work of God in North America
03:594
An Introductory CommentThis sermon was still another of Wesley’s tracts in opposition to the American Revolution—here viewed as a temporary hindrance to ‘the work of God’ that had been flourishing in the New World up until the outbreak of the revolt. It was written after all the preachers he had sent to the colonies had fled them, with the exception of Francis Asbury, who was waiting out the war in Maryland. Even though its date falls after the revolution’s turning point (i.e., Burgoyne’s surrender at Saratoga and the interventions of the French and Spanish), the possibility that the revolution might actually succeed seems not yet to have dawned on Wesley. In the sermon, then, he seeks to review the background of the war and to look beyond it to the providential end in which God would still make the wrath of men to praise him.
It should, of course, be remembered that in the early stages of the American protests against their alleged ill usage at the hands of the British government Wesley had expressed at least some sympathy with what he believed to be the legitimate grievances of the Americans. His point was that they deserved to be treated as all other subjects of the British Crown and under the same law. He had written letters to this effect to both the Earl of Dartmouth, Secretary of State to the Colonies (June 14, 1775), and to Lord North, King George’s ‘prime minister’ without that title (June 15, 1775). If John Hampson’s account is to be credited, Wesley’s preaching had been openly critical—‘at that period he was decidedly adverse to the war.’ But when the clamour for ‘Independence’ increased, Wesley changed his mind. Hampson speaks of his ‘conversion’ on this point as ‘instantaneous…, absolute, and complete’ (Memoirs, III.135).
The sermon itself is a reflection upon the doctrine of providence in history; Ezekiel’s image of concentric wheels serves as a metaphor for the situation in America and of its prospects. Wesley’s explanation of the American revolt is in terms of a concurrence of a spirit of arrogance born of affluence and self-indulgence and of the false spirit of ‘independency’. The pending defeat of the Americans will illustrate ‘the adorable providence of God’ (II.13) and will prove to be ‘the remedy’ for their ‘disease’. His closing vision is of ‘a happy land’ freed from its present 03:595‘curse’ of the spirit of ‘independency’ and thus richly blessed with the recovery of ‘real, legal liberty, …true British liberty’.
The text here is based on the first edition of 1778; there were two further editions in the same year. There is no record that Wesley ever preached this sermon or any other from Ezek. 1:16. For a brief publishing history and a list of substantive variant readings, see Appendix, Vol. 4, and Bibliog, No. 398. Its full title was presumably supplied by Wesley: Some Account of the Late Work of God in North America, in a Sermon on Ezekiel 1:16. In Wesley’s catalogues, however, from its first appearance in 1781 until Wesley’s death, it was entitled ‘A Wheel within a Wheel’ (Bibliog, Nos. 767-74).
The Late Work of God in North America
Ezekiel 1:16
The appearance was as it were a wheel in the middle of a wheel.
1. Whatever may be the primary meaning of this mysterious passage of Scripture, many serious Christians in all ages have applied it in a secondary sense, to the manner wherein the adorable providence of God usually works in governing the world.
Cf. Edmund Burke, Philosophical Inquiry into the Origins of Our Ideas of the Sublime and the Beautiful (1756), I.228: ‘the adorable wisdom of God in his works’.
2. Perhaps no age ever afforded a more striking instance of this kind than the present does, in the dispensations of divine providence with respect to our colonies in North America. In order to see this clearly, let us endeavour, according to the measure of our weak understanding,
03:596First, to trace each wheel apart; and,
Secondly, to consider both as they relate to and answer each other.
I. And, first, we are to trace each wheel apart.
It is by no means my design to give a particular detail of the late transactions in America; but barely to give a simple and naked deduction of a few well-known facts.
I know this is a very delicate subject, and that it is difficult, if not impossible, to treat it in such a manner as not to offend any; particularly those who are warmly attached to either party. But I would not willingly offend; and shall therefore studiously avoid all keen and reproachful language, and use the softest terms I can without either betraying or disguising the truth.
1. In the year 1736 it pleased God to begin a work of grace in the newly planted colony of Georgia, then the southernmost of our settlements on the continent of America. To those English who had settled there the year before were then added a body of Moravians, so called; and a larger body who had been expelled from Germany by the Archbishop of Salzburg. These were men truly fearing God and working righteousness. At the same time there began an awakening among the English, both at Savannah and Frederica; many inquiring what they must do to be saved,
See Acts 16:30.
Cf. Matt. 3:8.
2. In the same year there broke out a wonderful work of God in several parts of New England.
Actually, this had begun in 1733 and had been in full swing for two years before the Wesleys arrived in Georgia. Wesley would not have known of the even earlier ‘awakenings’ in ‘the middle colonies’ (1720s) led by the Tennents (father and son) and Theodorus Freylinghuysen; cf. Robert T. Handy, A History of the Churches in the U.S. and Canada (New York, Oxford Univ. Press, 1977), ch. III.
Jonathan Edwards (1703-58). See his Faithful Narrative of the Surprizing Work of God in the Conversion of Many Hundred Souls in Northhampton…in a letter to Dr. [Benjamin] Colman (n.p., n.d.; reprinted in London, 1736). For its crucial impact on Wesley, cf. JWJ, Oct. 9, 1738; see also his abridged edn., 1744 (Bibliog, No. 85).
03:5973. The following year the work of God spread by degrees from New England towards the south. At the same time it advanced by slow degrees from Georgia towards the north. In a few souls it deepened likewise; and some of them witnessed a good confession, both in life and in death.
4. In the year 1738 Mr. Whitefield came over to Georgia with a design to assist me in preaching, either to the English or the Indians.
Cf. JWJ, Jan. 29, 1738, for a slightly different account of this sequence: ‘Toward evening was a calm; but in the night a strong north wind brought us safe into the Downs [i.e., near Deal and Gravesend, England]. The day before, Mr. Whitefield had sailed out [for Georgia], neither of us knowing anything of the other.’ Cf. A Letter to the Rev. Mr. John Wesley (George Whitefield’s Journals, pp. 572-73) for an actual correspondence between the two at this time and Wesley’s order (by divine lot) that Whitefield should return to England forthwith.
Mark 1:15.
See Acts 26:19.
5. Within a few years he made several more voyages to America, and took several more journeys through the provinces. And in every journey he found fresh reason to bless God, who still prospered the work of his hands, there being more and more in all the provinces who found his word to be ‘the power of God unto salvation’.
Rom. 1:16.
6. But the last journey he made he acknowledged to some of his friends that he had much sorrow and heaviness in his heart on account of multitudes who for a time ran well, but afterwards ‘drew back unto perdition’.
Cf. Heb. 10:39.
Cf. Luke 8:13.
2 Pet. 1:4.
Cf. 2 Pet. 2:20.
Cf. Matt. 13:20.
Cf. Matt. 13:6.
Cf. Matt. 13:22.
Cf. Luke 8:7.
Cf. Luke 8:14.
Cf. 2 Pet. 2:21.
7. And what wonder! For it was a true saying, which was common in the ancient church, ‘The soul and the body make a man, and the spirit and discipline make a Christian.’
π; But see No. 122, ‘Causes of the Inefficacy of Christianity’, §7; and cf. JWJ, Aug. 17, 1750; and letters to William Church, Oct. 13, 1778; and to Adam Clarke, Jan. 3, 1787.
8. Things were in this state when about eleven years ago I received several letters from America giving a melancholy account of the state of religion in most of the colonies, and earnestly entreating that some of our preachers would ‘come over and help them’.
Cf. Acts 16:9. Wesley had received letters from Whitefield, Samuel Davies (among others), but most important of all, from Thomas Taylor (Apr. 11, 1768), a late arrival from England, converted on shipboard and newly associated with the Methodists at John Street, New York. For the text and its history, see Baker, ‘Early American Methodism: A Key Document’, Methodist History, Vol. III, No. 2 (Jan. 1965), pp. 3-15; and From Wesley to Asbury, pp. 70-83.
9. This was considered at large in our yearly Conference at Bristol, in the year 1767.
Actually, in 1768. After due consideration, the question was deferred for a year (during which time Taylor’s letter, now printed, was circulated among the preachers) and then brought up again at the Leeds Conference of 1769. The result was the appointment of the two Yorkshiremen, Boardman and Pilmore.
An itinerant in the Connexion since 1763; he served in America for less than five years, returned to England in 1774, and died in 1782.
Recalled to England in 1774, but later returned to America, was ordained as priest in the newly formed Protestant Episcopal Church (1785), and served in the Philadelphia area until his death in 1825.
A proverb used in the sense of undertaking an impossible task. Cf. Aristeides 2.309-10, τὸ ἐκ τῆς ψάμμου σχοινίον πλέκειν; also Lucius Junius Moderatus Columella (fl. A.D. 50), Rei Rusticae (On Agriculture), Bk. X, pref. §4: ‘…although there are many branches of the subject, so to speak, about which we can find something to say, they are, nevertheless, as unimportant as the imperceptible grains of sand of which, according to the Greek saying, it is impossible to make a rope’ (Loeb, 408:5). Cf. also Irenaeus, Against Heresies, I.viii.1, (ANF I.326); Francis Bacon, Fromus, 778; George Herbert, The Temple, ‘The Collar’, l. 22; Samuel Butler, Hudibras, Pt. I, Canto I, l. 158. The OED cites Gataker, Transubst. 152 (1624), and Clarendon, Contempl. Ps. Tracts (1727), 583. Wesley frequently used the phrase to describe polities other than his own; cf. A Farther Appeal, Pt. III, III.16 (11:301 in this edn.); A Plain Account of the People called Methodists, I.11; his letter to Mr. T. H., Dec. 12, 1760; and to the Travelling Preachers, Aug. 4, 1769.
Note the absence, here and elsewhere, of any reference to Francis Asbury, who had volunteered for America in 1771.
The ‘travelling preachers’ listed in the Minutes were: seventeen in 1774, twenty in 1775, twenty-four in 1776. But there are discrepancies in the sources from which these lists were compiled, and some of the men (e.g., Joseph Yearbry, William Glendenning, Robert Strawbridge) were not ‘in connexion with Mr. Wesley’.
10. The work of God then not only spread wider, particularly in North Carolina, Maryland, Virginia, Pennsylvania, and the Jerseys, but sunk abundantly deeper than ever it had done before. So that at the beginning of the late troubles there were three thousand souls connected together in religious societies, and a great number of these witnessed that the Son of God hath power on earth to forgive sin.
See Matt. 9:6. The Conference at Philadelphia (May 17, 1775) reported a total membership of 3,148.
03:60011. But now it was that a bar appeared in the way, a grand hindrance to the progress of religion. The immense trade of America, greater in proportion than even that of the mother country, brought in an immense flow of wealth; which was also continually increasing. Hence both merchants and tradesmen of various kinds accumulated money without end; and rose from indigence to opulent fortunes quicker than any could do in Europe. Riches poured in upon them as a flood, and treasures were heaped up as the sand of the sea. And hence naturally arose unbounded plenty, of all the necessaries, conveniencies, yea, and superfluities of life.
An obvious hyperbole in support of the thesis in I.12; see also No. 30, ‘Sermon on the Mount, X’, §26 and n.
12. One general consequence of this was pride. The more riches they acquired, the more they were regarded by their neighbours as men of weight and importance. And they would naturally see themselves in at least as fair a light as their neighbours saw them. And accordingly, as they rose in the world, they rose in their opinion of themselves. As it is generally allowed,
A thousand pound supplies
The want of twenty thousand qualities. π; See also No. 108, ‘On Riches’,
II.4.
So the richer they grew, the more admiration they gained, and the more applause they received. Wealth then bringing in more applause, of course brought in more pride, till they really thought themselves as much wiser as they were wealthier than their neighbours.
13. Another natural consequence of wealth was luxury, particularly in food. We are apt to imagine nothing can exceed the luxurious living which now prevails in Great Britain and Ireland. But alas! what is this to that which lately prevailed in Philadelphia, and other parts of North America? A merchant or middling tradesman there kept a table equal to that of a nobleman in England; entertaining his guests with ten, twelve, yea, sometimes twenty dishes of meat at a meal! And this was so far from being blamed by anyone that it was applauded as generosity and hospitality.
14. And is not idleness naturally joined with ‘fullness of bread’?
Ezek. 16:49.
Cf. No. 111, National Sins and Miseries, II.6 and n.
A stereotype derived from Jean Baptiste DuHalde’s popular General History of China, containing a geographical…and physical description of the Empire of China, Chinese Tartary, Corea and Thibet…, translated from the French by R. Brookes (1736), in 4 vols, frequently cited in the literature of the times. See Samuel Johnson’s extract in Gent’s Mag. (1742), 320-23, 353-57, 484-86; see also No. 103, ‘What is Man? Ps. 8:3-4’, I.2.
15. Who can wonder if sloth alone beget wantonness? Has it not always had this effect? Was it not said near two thousand years ago,
Quaeritur, Aegysthus quare sit factus adulter?
In promptu causa est; desidiosus erat.
‘If it be asked why Aegisthus came to be an adulterer,
the answer is easy: he was a sluggard’ (i.e., slothful); cf. Ovid, Remedia Amoris (The Remedies of
Love), ll. 161-62.
And when sloth and luxury are joined together, will they not produce an abundant offspring? This they certainly have done in these parts. I was surprised a few years ago at a letter I received from Philadelphia, wherein were (nearly) these words: ‘You think the women in England (many of them, I mean) do not abound in chastity. But yet the generality of your women, if compared with ours, might almost pass for vestal virgins.’ Now this complication of pride, luxury, sloth, and wantonness, naturally arising from vast wealth and plenty, was the grand hindrance to the spreading of true religion through the cities of North America.
II. Let us now see the other wheel of divine providence.
1. It may reasonably be supposed that the colonies in New England had from their very beginning an hankering after independency. It could not be expected to be otherwise, considering their families, their education, their relations, and the connections they had formed before they left their native country. They were farther inclined to it by the severe and unjust treatment which many of them had met with in England. This might well create in them a fear lest they should meet with the like again, a jealousy of their governors, and a desire of shaking off that dependence to which they were never thoroughly reconciled. [03:602]The same spirit they communicated to their children, from whom it descended to the present generation. Nor could it be effaced by all the favours and benefits which they continually received from the English government.
2. This spirit generally prevailed, especially in Boston, as early as the year 1737. In that year my brother, being detained there some time,
Charles Wesley spent a month in Boston en route from Charleston to London; cf. CWJ, Sept. 24-Oct. 25, 1736.
3. A gentleman who was there in the following year observed the same spirit in every corner of the town: ‘Why should these English blockheads rule over us!’ was then the common language. And as one encouraged another herein, the spirit of independency rose higher and higher, till it began to spread into the other colonies bordering upon New England. Nevertheless the fear of their troublesome neighbours, then in possession of Canada, kept them within bounds, and for a time prevented the flame from breaking out. But when the English had removed that fear from them, when Canada was ceded to the King of Great Britain, the desire then ripened into a formed design.
In the debate over a peace treaty with France to conclude ‘The Seven Years’ War’, it was argued against Pitt that ‘the American colonists, once the French danger on their border was removed, might become too independent and even secede.’ But Pitt prevailed, and the Treaty of Paris was signed Feb. 10, 1763; cf. Williams, The Whig Supremacy, 1714-1760, pp. 345-49.
4. It was not long before that opportunity appeared. The Stamp Act was passed and sent over to America.
A controversial tax, designed by Lord North to raise revenue from the sale of stamps to be affixed to legal documents, imposed by Parliament Mar. 22, 1765; it was withdrawn in Mar. 1766, in the face of a public clamour that revived an old independent slogan, ‘No taxation without representation;’ cf. C. G. Robertson, England Under the Hanoverians, pp. 233-38; see also Samuel Eliot Morison, The Oxford History of the American People (New York, Oxford Univ. Press, 1965), pp. 185-88.
5. Matters being now, it was judged, in sufficient forwardness, an association was formed between the northern and southern colonies; both took up arms, and constituted a supreme power which they termed ‘The Congress’.
The Stamp Act Congress—the first spontaneous movement toward colonial union that came from the Americans themselves—met in New York City, Oct. 7, 1765; cf. Morison, op. cit., p. 187.
John Witherspoon (1723-94), a Scottish Presbyterian minister who emigrated from Paisley to Princeton in 1768 to become president of The College of New Jersey (later, Princeton University). He was a delegate to the First Continental Congress in Philadelphia (Sept. 5, 1774), a signer of the Declaration of Independence and an influential statesman through the Revolution and in the formative years of the new nation.
Cf. The Dominion of Providence over the Passions of Men. A Sermon Preached at Princeton on the 17th of May, 1776. Being the General Fast appointed by the Congress through the United Colonies. To which is added, An Address to the Natives of Scotland residing in America (Philadelphia, Aitken, 1776), p. 63. Cf. William B. Sprague, Annals of the American Pulpit (New York, Robert Carter and Brothers, 1859), III.293. That Witherspoon’s words bespeak his politics (and those of the Congress) is clear enough; what is not clear is whether he addressed them directly to the Congress itself.
6. By this open and avowed defection from, and defiance of, their mother country (whether it was defensible or not is another question) at least nine parts in ten of their immense trade to Europe, Asia, Africa, and other parts of America were cut off at one stroke. In lieu of this they gained at first perhaps an hundred thousand pounds a year by their numerous privateers. But even then, this was upon the whole no gain at all, for they lost as many ships as they took. Afterwards they took fewer and fewer; and in the meantime they lost four or five millions yearly (perhaps six or seven) which their trade brought them in. What was the necessary consequence of this? Why, that as the fountain of their wealth was dammed up, the streams of it must run lower and lower, till they were wholly exhausted. So that at present these provinces are no richer than the poorest parts either of Scotland or Ireland.
7. Plenty declined in the same proportion as wealth, till universal scarcity took place. In a short time there was everywhere felt a deep want, not only of the superfluities, not only of the common conveniencies, but even of the necessaries of life. Wholesome food was not to be procured but at a very advanced price. Decent apparel was not to be had, not even in the large towns. Not only velvets and silks, and fashionable ornaments (which might well be spared), but even linen and woollen clothes were not to be purchased at any price whatsoever.
8. Thus have we observed each of these wheels apart: on the one hand, trade, wealth, pride,
Cf. No. 14, The Repentance of Believers, I.3 and n.
See Ps. 2:4.
See Job 5:13.
9. We have seen how by the breaking out of this spirit, in open defiance of the British Government, an effectual check was given to the trade of those colonies. They themselves, by a wonderful stroke of policy, threw up the whole trade of their mother country and all its dependencies! Made an Act that no British ship should enter into any of their harbours!
On Oct. 20, 1774, the Continental Congress, in reaction to laws passed by the British Parliament following the Boston Tea Party (the so-called Coercive or Intolerable Acts), adopted a ‘non-importation, non-exportation, non-consumption agreement, virtually cutting off imports from Britain after Dec. 1, 1774, and exports to Britain after Sept. 10, 1775, if by that time the Coercive Acts had not been repealed’; cf. Morison, Oxford History of the American People, p. 208.
10. The wheel now began to move within the wheel. The trade and wealth of the Americans failing, the grand incentives of pride failed also; for few admire or flatter the poor. And being deserted by most of their admirers, they did not altogether so much admire themselves; especially when they found, upon the trial, that they had grievously miscalculated their own strength, which they had made no doubt would be sufficient to carry all before it. It is true many of them still exalted themselves; but others were truly and deeply humbled.
11. Poverty, and scarcity consequent upon it, struck still more directly at the root of their luxury. There was no place now for that immoderate superfluity either of food or apparel. They sought no more, and could seldom obtain, so much as plain food, sufficient to sustain nature. And they were content if they could procure coarse apparel to keep them clean and warm. Thus they were reduced to the same condition their forefathers were in when the providence of God brought them into this country. They were [03:606]nearly in the same outward circumstances. Happy, if they were likewise in the same spirit!
12. Poverty and want struck at the root of sloth also. It was now no time to say, ‘A little more sleep, a little more slumber, a little more folding of the hands to rest.’
Cf. Prov. 6:10; 24:33; see also No. 12, ‘The Witness of Our Own Spirit’, §18.
See 2 Thess. 3:10.
13. Thus by the adorable providence of God the main hindrances of his work are removed. And in how wonderful a manner! Such as it never could have entered into the heart of man to conceive. Those hindrances had been growing up and continually increasing for many years. What God foresaw would prove the remedy grew up with the disease; and when the disease was come to its height, then only began to operate. Immense trade, wealth, and plenty begot and nourished proportionable pride, and luxury, and sloth, and wantonness. Meantime the same trade, wealth, and plenty begot or nourished the spirit of independency. Who would have imagined that this evil disease would lay a foundation for the cure of all the rest? And yet so it was. For this spirit, now come to maturity, and disdaining all restraint, is now swiftly destroying the trade, and wealth, and plenty whereby it was nourished, and thereby makes way for the happy return of humility, temperance, industry, and chastity. Such unspeakable good does the all-wise God bring out of all this evil! So does ‘the fierceness of man’, of the Americans, ‘turn to his praise’,
Cf. Ps. 76:10 (BCP).
14. May we not observe how exactly in this grand scene of providence one wheel answers to the other? The spirit of independency, which our poet so justly terms
The glorious fault of angels and of God; Cf. Pope, ‘Elegy to the Memory of
an Unfortunate Lady’, l. 13: ‘The glorious fault of angels and of
gods.’
03:607(that is, in plain terms, of devils) the same which so many call liberty, is overruled by the justice and mercy of God, first to punish those crying sins, and afterwards to heal them. He punishes them by poverty, coming as an armed man, and overrunning the land; by such scarcity as has hardly been known there for an hundred years past; by want of every kind, even of necessary clothing, even of bread to eat. But with what intent does he do this? Surely that mercy may rejoice over judgment.
See Jas. 2:13.
Rom. 11:33.
15. From these we learn that the spiritual blessings are what God principally intends in all these severe dispensations. He intends they should all work together for the destruction of Satan’s kingdom, and the promotion of the kingdom of his dear Son; that they should all minister to the general spread of righteousness, and peace, and joy in the Holy Ghost.
Rom. 14:17.
Cf. Matt. 6:33.
See Rom. 8:21.
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Entry Title: Sermon 113: The Late Work of God in North America